"Blog mundo"

China, Russia drive growth in world's billionaires

2011-03-10T05:09:00.000-08:00

NEW YORK (Reuters) - Rising global commodities prices and Asia's economic boom led to a big increase in the number of billionaires in Russia, China and Brazil in 2011.

China nearly doubled its number of billionaires to 115, while Russia and Brazil posted two-third jumps to 101 and 30, respectively, Forbes said in its annual list of the world's richest people.

It was the first time any country outside the United States, which has 413 billionaires, had more than 100. Moscow is now home to the most people on the list with 79 billionaires, easily outstripping New York, which has just 58.

The world's richest man, Mexican tycoon Carlos Slim, retained his crown for the second year in a row and made more money than any of the other 1,209 billionaires in the past year: $20.5 billion, taking his fortune to $74 billion.

Russia's billionaire growth was attributed to a commodities boom. Brazil also benefited from higher commodity prices, as well as stricter disclosure rules and a stronger currency. In China and India, which has 55 billionaires after adding six, strong economies helped create wealth from a range of sectors.

"The bottom line is BRICs, commodities and Asia Pacific," Forbes Chief Executive Steve Forbes told a news conference on Wednesday. "There is a global commodities boom. But as we should have learned ... commodities can go up very sharply, they can go down very sharply."

The Reuters Jefferies CRB commodities index .CRB rose 17 percent last year and is up another 8 percent this year as copper and gold hit record highs, grains are near their 2008 peaks and, most recently, oil surged beyond $100 a barrel.

Brazil, Russia, India and China produced half the world's 214 new billionaires, double last year's 97 newcomers.

Among the newbies in the Forbes list are four billionaires whose fortunes are tied to social networking site Facebook -- co-founders Dustin Moskovitz and Eduardo Saverin and investors Yuri Milner and Sean Parker. They join Facebook co-founder Mark Zuckerberg, who soared to No. 52 from No. 212 and now has an estimated worth of $13.5 billion, and Facebook investor Peter Thiel, who was also previously on the list.

One of the biggest movers up the list was U.S. casino magnate Sheldon Adelson, who posted the biggest increase in wealth behind Slim.

He is worth $23.3 billion, up from $14 billion, and soared to No. 16 from No. 73 last year in a remarkable turnaround for a businessman whose Las Vegas Sands Corp (LVS.N: Quote,Profile, Research, Stock Buzz) came close to defaulting on its debt in 2008.

While India's number of billionaires did not increase much, their "average net worth ... is huge -- $4.5 billion for an Indian billionaire versus $2.5 billion for a Chinese billionaire," said Forbes.

Russia is also trumping China with 15 billionaires in the top 100, compared to China's one, while India has seven and Brazil three.

RICH AND GENEROUS

Microsoft co-founder Bill Gates held on to second place, growing his wealth to $56 billion from $53 billion last year, and investor Warren Buffett again came in third with $50 billion, up from $47 billion.

Buffett's Berkshire Hathaway Inc has fared better than Gates' Microsoft. Microsoft shares now trade about where they were a decade ago, while Berkshire shares have roughly doubled.

Forbes said that Gates would have still been the richest man in the world if he had not so far given $28 billion of his wealth to his foundation. He was only knocked off the top spot on the list twice between 1995 and 2010.

The wealth of the world's billionaires jumped 25 percent to $4.5 trillion and their average net worth rose to $3.7 billion from $3.5 billion. There were 47 people who dropped off the list, 42 who returned and 10 people who died. The number of women grew to 102 from 89 last year.

While positions have shifted, the top 20 was largely unchanged. New this year were Adelson, Russian steel baron Vladimir Lisin and David and Charles Koch, brothers behind an energy and manufacturing empire. They recently hit the headlines for their controversial support of conservative U.S. causes.

The Asia Pacific's growth in wealth has also fueled a luxury goods demand, helping grow the fortune of Europe's richest man, LVMH (LVMH.PA: Quote, Profile, Research, Stock Buzz) Chief Executive Bernard Arnault, to $41 billion from $27.5 billion. He rose to No. 4 from No. 7.

"The global economy is recovering, but it is not all spread across the board," said Forbes. "Yes, there are increases (the number of billionaires) in Europe, but primarily it is Russia. The United States barely registered an increase."

"In terms of wealth, the dog that isn't barking is Japan," said Forbes, referencing a Sherlock Holmes novel. "(It has) a fairly small number of billionaires compared to the size of the economy."

The number of U.S. billionaires rose to 413 from 403.

Facebook's Moskovitz is also the youngest billionaire in the world at 26 and with a fortune of $2.7 billion, while the honour of being the oldest goes to Swiss tech billionaire Walter Haefner, who is 100 and worth $4 billion.

Canadian David Thomson, who controls Thomson Reuters (TRI.TO: Quote, Profile, Research,Stock Buzz), widened his lead over his financial news and data rival, New York City Mayor and Bloomberg owner Michael Bloomberg. Thomson rose three spots to No. 17 with $23 billion, while Bloomberg fell seven spots to No. 30 with a fortune of $18.1 billion.

Forbes ranked the billionaires' fortunes at the close of global stock markets on February 14, 2011. The full Forbes ranking of the world's billionaires can be seen at www.forbes.com/billionaires (Editing by Mark Egan, Martin Howell and Gary Hill).

http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/03/10/uk-billionaires-idUSLNE72903120110310

2011-03-10T05:06:00.000-08:00

France Recognizes Opposition Leaders As 'Legitimate' Voice Of Libyan People

by RFE/RL

Battles are continuing on both military and diplomatic fronts between Libyan ruler Muammar Qaddafi's regime and the opposition forces who seized cities across the country last month.

Meanwhile, on the diplomatic front, opposition envoys from Libya's eastern town of Benghazi have successfully lobbied French President Nicolas Sarkozy to obtain French recognition of their so-called National Council.

Sarkozy's office said after talks with the envoys that Paris now recognizes the Libyan National Council as the legitimate representative of the Libyan people.

Sarkozy plans to send an ambassador to opposition-held Benghazi and also to receive an envoy from Libya's opposition as an ambassador in Paris.

On the ground in Libya, pro-Qaddafi forces have intensified their counterassaults against opposition forces who seized the eastern oil port of Ras Lanuf.

Correspondents report pro-Qaddafi troops trying to advance toward Ras Lanuf along the coastal highway from the west, as well as from across open desert to the south. Pro-Qaddafi ground troops were firing heavy artillery barrages in that battle for the first time, as well as continuing to use mortars against opposition fighters.

Dozens Dead

At the same time, to the north, Libyan Navy warships were attacking Ras Lanuf from the sea. Meanwhile, Libyan Air Force jets were continuing to bomb oil terminal facilities at Ras Lanuf for a second day -- reportedly leaving dozens dead and sending enormous plumes of black smoke into the sky from burning oil storage tanks.

Opposition forces were fighting back with missile launchers, rockets, and antiaircraft guns.

Opposition fighters trying to advance on the nearby government-controlled town of Bin Jawad were repelled on March 8 by air strikes and direct fire from Libyan Army tanks.

To the west of Tripoli, there are conflicting claims about who controls the city of Zawiya. Pro-Qaddafi troops claimed to have retaken the city in the last 24 hours after a five-day siege involving tanks, truck-mounted multiple-fire rocket launchers, and air strikes.

But opposition fighters said they retook parts of Zawiya from government forces.

Divisions Over No-Fly Zone

In Brussels, European Union foreign ministers and NATO defense ministers planned to discuss Libya's crisis in meetings ahead of an EU leaders' summit on March 11.

EU and NATO nations have been united in calling for Qaddafi to leave power. But there appear to be divisions over implementing stronger measures such as a no-fly zone.

France and Britain have been among those backing a United Nations Security Council resolution that would impose a no-fly zone. Other countries, including the United States, say a no-fly zone must be assured of broad international backing, including support from regional leaders in North Africa and from Arab states.

Russia has rejected the idea of a no-fly zone over Libya. But Russian President Dmitry Medvedev today joined international efforts to isolate Qaddafi's regime economically for attacks on Libyan civilians.

Medvedev -- joining other UN Security Council permanent members in ordering an arms embargo against Libya and other sanctions against Qaddafi's family -- signed a decree in Moscow that bans the "export, sale, and delivery to Libya of all kinds of weapons and associated materials."

Medvedev's decree stipulates that all cargo bound for or from Libya will be carefully inspected if there is "information that gives reason to believe that the cargo carries material subject to the ban."

The German government has ordered a freeze on bank accounts in Germany that are held by the Libyan central bank and the Libyan Investment Authority. That move is seen as additional pressure aimed at cutting off potential sources of income for Qaddafi.

Germany's Economy Ministry said the freeze came in response to a European Union decision earlier this week to clamp down on Libyan state bank funds that are controlled by Qaddafi. The ministry also said the freeze would be imposed on the Libya Africa Investment Portfolio and the Libyan Foreign Bank.

http://www.rferl.org/content/libya_fighting_ras_lanouf_eu_nato_no-fly_zone/2333416.html

Ras Lanouf sous les raids des Sukhoï

2011-03-09T02:44:00.000-08:00

L'aviation du Guide multiplie les bombardements à l'est, clouant au sol les rebelles.

À Ras Lanouf

Il y a d'abord le bruit aigu du chasseur passant dans le ciel bleu au dessus de Ras Lanouf. Les chebab, les soldats rebelles, se massent immédiatement autour des antiques canons antiaériens disposés un peu partout, et sans grande logique, autour de l'entrée de la petite ville. La DCA crache sans la moindre chance de toucher le Sukhoï. L'appareil effectue deux ou trois passages avant de piquer et de lâcher sa bombe. La manœuvre sème la panique parmi la centaine de néoguerriers qui tiennent cette ligne de front souvent sans autre arme qu'une kalachnikov, ou un couteau. On se cache derrière des petits murets, un abribus ou juste en s'aplatissant sur le sol. Depuis trois jours , pas un d'entre eux n'a pensé à creuser un trou pour se protéger ou à empiler quelques sacs de sable, qui pourtant ne manque pas. La bombe explose avec un bruit sourd à 200 mètres dans le désert. Les «Allah Akbar!» saluent le départ du chasseur.

L'Europe appelée à l'aide

La scène s'est répétée toute la matinée. Une bombe a écrasé un petit immeuble de cette cité-dortoir construite pour abriter les employés d'une compagnie pétrolière. Une autre a atterri au beau milieu d'une rue pimpante, sans exploser. L'ogive grisâtre gît le long d'un mur blanc. Les chebab montent sur cette prise de guerre et se font photographier avec des téléphones portables. Jusqu'à ce que l'avion revienne semer le trouble. Les rumeurs d'une contre-attaque prochaine des forces fidèles à Mouammar Kadhafi pour reprendre le contrôle de Ras Lanouf resurgissent. Plus vers l'ouest, sur la route, les barrages rebelles les plus avancés sont la cible de tirs de mortiers et, eux aussi, des chasseurs.

Depuis deux jours, l'aviation, principale arme du Guide, entre en action de plus en plus souvent. Alors que l'Otan discute de la mise en place d'une interdiction de survol de la Libye, les Sukhoï bombardent Ras Lanouf, mais aussi, de temps à autre, des positions plus à l'arrière. Toujours plus près des cibles, accroissant la nervosité ambiante, mettant à l'épreuve le courage évident des jeunes combattants. Le colonel Messaoud Abdulahi, désormais en charge de la défense antiaérienne de l'est de la Libye, le reconnaît. «La chasse cloue nos hommes au sol et nous empêche d'avancer. Il faut que l'Europe nous vienne en aide», indique-t-il, rejetant dans le même temps toute idée d'aide terrestre. Si l'Occident devait renoncer, ses solutions semblent pour l'heure limitées. Il évoque des projets «rapides» pour former des hommes au maniement des missiles antiaérien, mais sans être trop précis. Lentement, l'offensive semble changer de camp. Les rebelles se coulent dans des positions défensives. Sans trop de perte.

Des défections enregistrées

Mardi, nul n'a été touché à Ras Lanouf. Mais la veille au soir, une voiture remplie de civils en fuite a essuyé le choc d'une roquette tirée au bord de la route. Le pick-up est resté là, les portières lardées de shrapnels. Du sang tache les sièges où traînent des chaussures d'enfant. «La voiture a été touchée par hasard alors qu'elle filait vers Benghazi. Tous les passagers sont morts» , assure Sabra Mohammed, un rebelle. Le sort des quatre passagers est confus. Certains les disent seulement blessés. Seule certitude, ils sont les premières victimes de bombardements, jusqu'à présent curieusement imprécis. L'idée que les pilotes, souvent des mercenaires étrangers, pourraient répugner à écraser des civils en armes est dans bien des esprits. Des défections ont été enregistrées. Ainsi, dès les premiers soulèvements, deux officiers libyens ont préféré fuir avec leur Mirage à Malte plutôt que de tirer sur les leurs. Une semaine plus tard, non loin d'Adjedabia, deux chasseurs se sont écrasés intentionnellement. Les pilotes, issus d'Europe de l'Est, ont été capturés et sont détenus au secret. L'armée de l'air libyenne est-t-elle réticente à obéir aux ordres ou fait-t-elle seulement monter la pression?

http://www.lefigaro.fr/international/2011/03/08/01003-20110308ARTFIG00760-ras-lanouf-sous-les-raids-des-sukhoi.php

Gaddafi deploys tanks and hundreds of troops in all-out effort to take Zawiyah

2011-03-08T11:58:00.000-08:00

The regime of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi has launched a devastating assault on the opposition-held town of Zawiyah, deploying up to 50 tanks and scores of pickup trucks carrying troops.

Emerging accounts told of massive damage inflicted on the refinery town, which rose up against the Gaddafi regime two weeks ago.

The latest and heaviest assault in Zawiyah came as the rebel leadership said that if Gaddafi stepped down within 72 hours, it would not seek to bring him to justice.

Earlier, the rebels said they had rejected an offer from the Libyan leader to negotiate his surrender of power. The government called such reports "absolute nonsense".

If it is confirmed, the defeat of opposition forces in Zawiyah, just 30 miles from Tripoli – already claimed twice by the regime in recent days – would mark a significant psychological moment for Gaddafi.

Although most sources were suggesting the rebellion in Zawiyah had been crushed, a resident named Ibrahim claimed combat was continuing.

The Gaddafi regime has cut all mobile and landline communications with the town and accounts of today's fighting came from witnesses who had driven out of the combat area and one who had climbed on a roof to find a phone signal.

Residents described a hail of bullets, with women and children being killed and families trapped within their homes.

The violence of this assault marks a disturbing escalation in the developing civil war in Libya, suggesting that the regime has now decided to pursue a no-holds barred strategy to crush the rebellion, despite the growing threats of international action.

Witnesses in Zawiyah said many buildings, including mosques, had been destroyed and rebel forces had used loudhailers to call on residents to help defend positions in the town centre.

"Fighting is still going on now – Gaddafi's forces are using tanks," Ibrahim told Reuters by phone. "There are also sporadic air strikes. The situation here is very bad.

"Many buildings have been destroyed including mosques. About 40 to 50 tanks are taking part in the bombardment. But they could not reach the centre of the town, which is still in the control of the revolutionaries," he said.

"Telephone connections were cut. I'm now able to speak on the phone because I'm standing on the top of a building."

A Ghanaian migrant worker who had been living in Zawiyah managed to escape and travel to neighbouring Tunisia.

"The rebels in the streets were calling people from speakers to help defend the town," he said after crossing the border.

A Libyan man who lives in exile abroad said he managed to get through by phone to a friend in the city.

"My friend said it's miserable and that Gaddafi forces are trying to destroy the city. Many buildings are completely destroyed, including hospitals, electricity lines and generators," he said.

"People cannot run away, it's cordoned off. They cannot flee. All those who can fight are fighting, including teenagers. Children and women are being hidden."

Journalists have been largely unable to report from inside the town, kept away by the military encirclement of the town and threat of arrest.

Those few who have managed to get inside have described horrific scenes including the targeting of a large protest march and soldiers firing on civilians.

"Zawiyah has been torn down to ashes," said one source. A second said the town had been "flattened". Other witnesses said the town centre had come under rocket fire.

Up to 120 Toyota Tundra vehicles, which the regime has used as transport for its soldiers, were reported to have been sent in for what was clearly intended as the final assault.

Zawiyah, a town with a population of 200,000, has limited strategic value and its few hundred fighters are unable to pose a real threat to Tripoli.

But the resistance there has become hugely symbolic as fighters inside have fought off wave after wave of government attacks, disabling tanks and armoured personnel carriers that have reached Martyrs' Square in the city centre on several occasions.

A Gaddafi spokesman, Mussa Ibrahim, said the government was in control of the town, adding however that a small group of fighters was still putting up resistance.

"The situation is very difficult. There are still pockets of resistance, maybe 30-40 people, hiding in the streets and in the cemetery. They are desperate," he told Reuters.

Another Zawiyah resident, who asked not to be identified, said pro-Gaddafi forces had deployed snipers along the road out of town and were shooting at people who travelled that way.

"They [Gaddafi's forces] will never enter the town. Revolutionaries are everywhere," he said.

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/mar/08/gaddafi-forces-devastating-attack-on-zawiyah

Les trois priorités africaines de la Banque mondiale

2011-03-07T02:30:00.000-08:00

Au lendemain de la clôture de la 5e conférence de l'Initiative pour la transparence des industries extractives à Paris le jeudi 3 mars, l'occasion est propice pour la Banque mondiale après une mûre réflexion de décliner ses priorités pour le continent africain.

Après plus d’un an de débat, 1 400 personnes consultées lors de 31 forums nationaux sur le continent, la Banque mondiale a enfin adopté sa nouvelle stratégie pour l’Afrique lors de son conseil d’administration du 1er mars. Pour l’année 2010, l’institution présidée par Robert Zoellick avait engagé 8,3 milliards d’euros en Afrique. Aujourd’hui, elle a défini ses trois priorités pour le continent : la création d’emplois pour les jeunes, la protection contre les excès de la mondialisation et l’amélioration de la gouvernance publique.

« La consultation des représentants des États, sociétés civiles et entreprises du continent, qui vient de s’achever a été la plus importante jamais réalisée par la Banque mondiale. Elle nous a permis de faire remonter ces trois priorités globales, mais aussi de nous rendre compte de la diversité des attentes selon les pays, et donc de la nécessité de décliner cette stratégie différemment sur le plan national », se réjouissait Obiageli Ezekwesili, vice-présidente de la Banque mondiale pour l’Afrique, en visite à Paris le 3 Mars.

"En faire profiter les Africains"

Pour cette Nigériane, ancienne ministre de l’Éducation de son pays, il y a urgence : « Le moment est crucial pour le continent. Nous nous situons dans la même configuration que l’Asie il y a 30 ans. Il s’agit de profiter de la croissance sans précédent du continent et de l’intérêt que cela suscite auprès des investisseurs pour en faire véritablement profiter les Africains », a-t-elle expliqué.

Parmi les déclinaisons de cette stratégie, Obiageli Ezekwesili a indiqué que son institution soutiendrait particulièrement les pays africains qui mettent en place des politiques agricoles solides. Il en sera de même pour les pays riches en pétrole et en minerais participant à l’Initiative pour la transparence des industries extractives (ITIE), même si, a-t-elle précisé, « la transparence n’est pas une fin en soi, il faut également organiser le débat autour d’elle ».

L’institution de Bretton Woods, vilipendée par ses détracteurs pour ses programmes d’ajustement structurel, tente d’opérer une mue profonde. Il s’agit de reconquérir la confiance des États africains, qui, ces dernières années, rechignaient parfois à recourir à ses services en raison de conditionnalités jugées contraignantes.

http://www.jeuneafrique.com/Article/ARTJAWEB20110304180346/fmi-banque-mondiale-bretton-woods-robert-zoellickles-trois-priorites-africaines-de-la-banque-mondiale.html

Procès Khodorkovski : une mascarade judiciaire

2011-03-07T02:27:00.000-08:00

Les révélations de l’attachée de presse du tribunal de Moscou le confirment : le procès de l’ex-oligarque Mikhaïl Khodorkovski, en décembre, a été totalement arrangé.

Une fois par semaine, au moins, le juge Viktor Danilkine se rendait discrètement au tribunal de Moscou. Pour y recevoir les ordres de ses supérieurs. S’il subsistait le moindre doute, il vient d’être dissipé par les révélations de Natalia Vassilieva, l’attachée de presse du tribunal : oui, le procès de l’ex-oligarque Mikhaïl Khodorkovskia été une mascarade. En 2003, l’ancien PDG de Ioukos et son bras droit, Platon Lebedev, ont été arrêtés, puis, en décembre 2010, condamnés à quatorze ans de réclusion pour vol de pétrole. « J’ai compris que la belle histoire selon laquelle le juge ne se soumet qu’à la loi est une fable », a confié Vassilieva, le 14 février, au cours d’un entretien de dix-sept minutes avec le quotidien en ligne libéral gazeta.ru et la chaîne de télévision privée Dojd.

Selon son assistante, le juge Danilkine n’a pas écrit son arrêt tout seul, en toute liberté. « Avant même qu’il ne passe à l’énoncé du jugement, le contrôle était permanent, explique-t-elle. Lorsque les choses n’allaient pas dans le sens souhaité, il devait informer le tribunal central de Moscou. En retour, il recevait des instructions sur la conduite à tenir. » Selon la jeune femme, le juge avait commencé à rédiger le verdict, mais c’est un autre qui lui a été imposé. Prévu le 15 décembre, l’énoncé du jugement a été reporté au 27, sans explication. « Toute la communauté judiciaire est parfaitement consciente qu’il s’agit d’un procès arrangé », explique-t-elle. Arrangé par qui ?

Khodorkovski avait bâti un empire pétrolier en profitant des privatisations de l’ère Eltsine. Depuis 2005, il est incarcéré dans des conditions extrêmes, au fin fond de la Sibérie, près de la frontière chinoise. À son propos, le Premier ministre Vladimir Poutine s’est toujours montré très clair : « Les voleurs doivent rester en prison. » Sans doute l’oligarque lui apparaissait-il comme un rival redoutable dans la perspective de la présidentielle de 2012…

Si le tribunal de Moscou dénonce « une provocation », Vadim Kliouvgant, le principal avocat de Khodorkovski, ne se montre pas surpris : « On découvre aujourd’hui ce que nous disons depuis longtemps. » Quant à Natalia Vassilieva, elle risque de payer le prix fort son goût pour la vérité. Dans le pays de Vladimir Poutine, on ne révèle pas impunément l’envers du décor.

http://www.jeuneafrique.com/Articleimp_ARTJAJA2615p054.xml0_proces-khodorkovski-une-mascarade-judiciaire.html

Top 10 des villes au coût de la vie le plus élevé du monde

2011-03-03T01:00:00.000-08:00

Une opportunité de poste à l'étranger ? Ça peut être séduisant : outre l'expérience d'une autre culture et l'éventualité d'une promotion au retour, être expatrié peut donner un bon coup de pouce à l'épargne. Mais pour véritablement en tirer profit, il convient de se renseigner sur le coût réel de la vie sur place, et on découvre rapidement que vivre dans un pays en développement ou émergent n'accroît pas nécessairement le pouvoir d'achat d'un expatrié européen. Avant de prendre un poste dans l'une de ces 10 villes, pensez donc à négocier une petite prime d'éloignement.

Luanda (Angola) : Une croissance exponentielle du nombre de ses habitants, vivant pour 57% d'entre eux sous le seuil de la pauvreté, ont rendu coûteuses la sécurité et la garantie d'un mode de vie similaire aux villes européennes pour les expatriés. Les employés étrangers des entreprises de diamant ou d'extraction pétrolière basées à Luanda paient donc le prix fort pour leur confort.
Tokyo (Japon) : Le dollar et la livre sterling ont reculé en réponse à la crise financière, Londres (17ème) ou New York (27ème) laissent leurs places aux cités d'autres continents. L'Asie se place avec le Japon en tête, tiré notamment par l'immobilier et un yen fort.
N'Djamena (Tchad) : Plus encore qu'en Angola, la capitale Tchadienne exige de ses expatriés de débourser un peu plus pour pouvoir travailler sereinement dans une ville qui connaît régulièrement des attaques de rebelles contre le palais présidentiel d'Idriss Déby.
Moscou (Russie) : Selon une étude de la banque suisse UBS, il faut travailler 36 heures à Moscou pour s'offrir un iPod Nano, soit 2 à 3 fois plus que dans les aures villes de ce classement. On peut s'interroger sur la pertinence d'une telle mesure, mais dans le doute, on met son lecteur mp3 dans son sac quand on s'envole pour la capitale russe.
Genève (Suisse) : Pour profiter pleinement des atouts genevois, le Lac Léman, l'une des meilleures qualité de vie au monde et la très onéreuse rue du Rhône, il faut au moins travailler dans le siège de l'une des agences de l'ONU ou à l'OMS.
Osaka (Japon) : Deuxième ville japonaise dans ce classement, qui compte également Nagoya (19ème). Osaka abrite le siège de nombreuses compagnies nipponnes (Mitsubishi, Mizuno, Panasonic, Sharp…) et ce prestigieux plateau se paie en termes de loyers ou de dépenses quotidiennes.
Libreville (Gabon) : 27,08 dollars pour un menu Big Mac (car les expatriés, c'est bien connu, ne se nourrissent que de Big Mac), voila qui permet à la capitale gabonaise de maintenir une bonne place dans un classement qui la voit toujours bien figurer depuis plusieurs années.
Zurich (Suisse) : Dans le duel suisse qui oppose Genève la francophone et Zurich la germanophone, Zurich affiche la rue commerçante la plus chère, la Bahnhofstrasse, et dépasse sa rivale d'un boyau en terme de qualité de vie. Ca ne suffira pas pour l'étude de Mercer qui place quand même la capitale économique de la Confédération dans le Top 10 mondial.
Hong Kong (Chine) : L'économie la plus libre du monde ne fait pas de cadeau : un marché immobilier qui s'envole encore un peu plus sous la pression de nouveaux investisseurs chinois, peu de services publics et beaucoup de boutiques de luxe. Rien n'est gratuit dans le monde libre. Surtout pour les expatriés.
Copenhague (Danemark) : Première ville de l'Union Européenne en terme de coût de la vie pour ses expatriés, Copenhague est l'une des villes européennes les plus attractives pour les sièges régionaux de multinationales (Microsoft, Maersk) et l'un des endroits où les salaires bruts sont les plus consistants. Les commerçants locaux auraient tort de se priver.

Et vous, pour quelle ville êtes-vous prêt à ouvrir (méchamment) le porte-monnaie?

http://fr.finance.yahoo.com/news/Top-10-villes-co%C3%BBt-vie-%C3%A9lev%C3%A9-yahoofinancefr-581398269.html?x=0

Oscars 2011 nominations: full list of Academy Awards nominees

2011-02-28T03:14:00.000-08:00

1. Best Picture: The King's Speech

2. Actor: Colin Firth - The King's Speech

3. Actress: Natalie Portman - Black Swan

4. Supporting Actor: Christian Bale - The Fighter

5. Supporting Actress: Melissa Leo - The Fighter

6. Directing: Tom Hooper - The King's Speech

7. Foreign Language Film - In a Better World - Denmark

8. Adapted Screenplay - Aaron Sorkin - The Social Network

9. Original Screenplay: David Seidler - The King's Speech

10. Animated Feature Film - Toy Story 3

11. Art Direction: Alice in Wonderland

12. Cinematography: Inception

13. Sound Mixing: Inception

14. Sound Editing: Inception

15. Original Score: The Social Network, Trent Reznor and Atticus Ross.

16. Original Song: We Belong Together from Toy Story 3, Randy Newman.

17. Costume Design: Alice in Wonderland

18. Documentary Feature: Inside Job

19. Documentary (short subject): Strangers No More

20. Film Editing: The Social Network

21. Makeup: The Wolfman

22. Animated Short Film: The Lost Thing

23. Live Action Short Film: God of Love

24. Visual Effects: Inception

Libye : à Benghazi, l’enfer pour les travailleurs africains

2011-02-28T03:06:00.000-08:00

Des Africains soupçonnés d'être des mercenaires à la solde de Kadhafi, détenus dans une salle du tribunal de Benghazi
©REUTERS/Suhaib Salem

Ils sont une vingtaine à vivre dans une maison en construction de 3 étages. Le bâtiment n’est pas terminé, les murs sont encore en béton brut. Les chambres ressemblent à des cellules, il n’y a même pas de fenêtre.

Ils viennent du Mali, du Niger ou encore du Tchad et ils sont terrorisés. Omar est l’un d’entre eux. Il travaillait comme maçon avant la révolution. Maintenant, il n’ose plus sortir de cet endroit pourtant peu accueillant.

Des rumeurs de meurtres racistes courent dans Benghazi. Il faut dire que depuis le début de cette révolution, Muammar Kadhafi a fait appel à des mercenaires africains pour le défendre. Des hommes coiffés de casques jaunes en plastique que l’on a vus lors des affrontements un peu partout dans le pays. Que l’on voit encore dans Tripoli actuellement.

Et la population de Benghazi a du combattre ces hommes, lourdement armés par le régime. La rébellion s’est emparée de la ville la semaine dernière. Et maintenant, tous les Noirs qui se trouvent ici sont suspectés d’être des mercenaires. Des gens qui ont tué des révolutionnaires, des frères, des parents, des proches, des amis des habitants de Benghazi.

Ces travailleurs africains rencontrés à Benghazi sont terrés dans cette maison insalubre. Lorsqu’ils sortent, c’est pour parcourir les quelques mètres qui les séparent de l’épicerie, juste en face. Dès qu’ils tentent d’aller plus loin, ils sont insultés, menacés. Certains disent avoir été frappés. C’est le cas de Driss. Il était soudeur dans une entreprise pétrolière. Et hier lorsqu’il est sorti dans la rue, il dit que 2 jeunes Libyens l’ont poursuivi et l’ont battu.

Le racisme est très présent à Benghazi. La population est franchement hostile aux noirs.

Avec cette révolution et ces mercenaires embauchés par Kadhafi, le racisme s’est développé ici. Et même des gens plutôt cultivés sont capables de tenir des propos xénophobes particulièrement violents. Et vous trouverez difficilement des Libyens pour prendre la défense de ces immigrés, totalement isolés. On leur reprochait déjà auparavant de venir piquer des emplois. Désormais les griefs sont bien plus graves...

Ces derniers jours, les pays européens, la Chine, l’Inde… ont affrété des avions, des bateaux, des bus pour évacuer leurs ressortissants. Mais rien pour les Africains : ils viennent de pays pauvres. Qui n’ont rien prévu pour leur permettre de revenir au pays en sécurité. Ils regardent à la télévision les évacuations d’autres étrangers vivant en Libye. Mais ce n’est jamais leur tour. Ils se sentent complètement oubliés. Ils ont aussi vu à la télévision des prisonniers que l’on présente comme des mercenaires alors qu’ils ont reconnu des amis ou des collègues de travail, des Africains installés ici depuis plusieurs mois.

Ils ne travaillent plus, ils n’ont donc plus beaucoup d’argent. Ils se contentent de manger du pain dans leurs chambres minuscules. Ils sont littéralement emprisonnés car dehors c’est dangereux.

Ils aimeraient rejoindre l’Egypte par la route, à 7 heures d’ici à peu près. Mais impossible de trouver un chauffeur qui veuille bien les emmener et puis de toutes façons, ils n’ont pas les moyens de payer le trajet. Kadhafi ou pas, ils s’en moquent complètement. Tout ce qu’ils constatent, c’est que leur vie est en danger. Ils veulent partir. Par n’importe quel moyen. Grâce à leur pays d’origine, une nation étrangère ou une organisation humanitaire, peu importe. C’est une question de vie ou de mort.

http://www.france-info.com/chroniques-le-plus-france-info-2011-02-28-libye-a-benghazi-l-enfer-pour-les-travailleurs-africains-518430-81-184.html

Le clan Kadhafi à la loupe

2011-02-24T07:48:00.001-08:00

INFOGRAPHIE - Les enfants du «Guide», issus de deux mariages, sont tous impliqués à des degrés divers dans les affaires de l'État libyen. Plusieurs ont été pressentis pour lui succéder.

http://www.lefigaro.fr/international/2011/02/23/01003-20110223ARTFIG00565-le-clan-kadhafi-a-la-loupe.php

Des mercenaires africains pour les basses œuvres de Kadhafi

2011-02-24T07:47:00.000-08:00

Le soupçon date de plusieurs jours. Des mercenaires africains seraient en première ligne dans la répression en Libye, pour tenter de sauver le régime aux abois de Mouammar Kadhafi.

Un Africain présenté comme un mercenaire pris à partie par les manifestants, dans l'est de la Libye. Vidéo postée sur YouTube le 21 février.Crédits photo : youtube

Mardi, Ali Essaoui, l'ambassadeur libyen en Inde, démissionnaire de son poste, s'est dit certain de la présence d'un grand nombre de ces soldats de fortune. «Ils viennent d'Afrique et parlent français et d'autres langues», affirme-t-il, sans fournir de preuves formelles. Selon le diplomate, l'arrivée de ces supplétifs aurait été contre-productive pour le pouvoir, précipitant la défection de nombreux militaires qui «ne supportaient pas de voir des étrangers tuer des Libyens».

Des salaires de 30.000 dollars

Saddam, un étudiant interrogé par Reuter affirme, lui, avoir vu ces mercenaires en action. «Le 18 février, ils ont tué 40 personnes près d'El Beida», précise-t-il. De son côté, la chaîne al-Arabiya rapporte qu'au moins quatre avions chargés d'étrangers, armés et en uniforme, auraient atterri à l'aéroport de Benina, près de Benghazi, avant de repartir vers une base militaire proche de Tripoli.
Dans une vidéo postée sur YouTube, un homme noir, présenté comme un mercenaire, reconnaît avoir été recruté par Khamis, l'un des fils du Guide, pour massacrer le peuple. Aveu véritable ou tentative désespérée d'un pauvre diable de se sauver d'une foule qui menace de le lyncher? D'autres films sur Internet montrent les dépouilles de supposés soldats de fortune morts au combat. Les sites des Libyens en exil parlent eux aussi de ces soldats étrangers, évoquant les rumeurs les plus folles, comme des salaires de 30.000 dollars. Selon les mêmes sources, invérifiables, les recrues viendraient du Nigeria, du Zimbabwe, du Liberia ou, le plus souvent, du Tchad et du Soudan voisins. Lundi, le quotidien pro-gouvernemental soudanais al-Intibaha affirmait que des rebelles darfouris du Mouvement pour la justice et l'égalité (Jem), groupe un temps proche de Kadhafi, seraient à Tripoli. Un porte-parole du Jem a démenti.
«Il est très plausible que des mercenaires agissent en Libye. Kadhafi soutient depuis des décennies des révolutions chez tous ces voisins. Il a les contacts et l'argent nécessaires pour recruter qui il veut», remarque Souhayr Belhassen, de la Fédération internationale des droits de l'homme, soulignant que la garde personnelle du Guide est «depuis des années composée uniquement d'étrangers». Pour cette militante, ces soldats représentent un grand danger pour le peuple mais aussi pour les 1,3 million de migrants africains vivant en Libye avec lesquels ils pourraient être confondus.

http://www.lefigaro.fr/international/2011/02/22/01003-20110222ARTFIG00718-des-mercenaires-africains-pour-les-basses-339uvres-de-kadhafi.php

Un verre d'alcool par jour réduirait les risques de maladies du coeur

2011-02-23T15:22:00.000-08:00

Les personnes consommant de l'alcool avec modération, à raison d'environ un verre par jour, courent jusqu'à 25 % moins de risques de souffrir et de mourir d'une maladie du coeur, comparativement à des personnes qui ne consomment pas d'alcool, selon une revue de plusieurs dizaines d'études scientifiques effectuées ces 30 dernières années.

Les travaux effectués par des chercheurs de l'Université de Calgary sont publiés mercredi dans le British Medical Journal.

Les scientifiques ont d'abord analysé 84 études reliant consommation d'alcool et maladies du coeur.

Il en ressort qu'une consommation de 2,5 g à 15 g d'alcool par jour, soit l'équivalent d'un verre de vin, diminue de 14 % à 25 % les risques de maladie du coeur.

Toutefois, boire davantage va de pair avec une augmentation des risques par rapport à quelqu'un qui ne boit pas, soulignent les chercheurs.

Selon le professeur William Ghali, qui a dirigé l'étude, il s'agit de l'analyse la plus large réalisée à ce jour.

Le rôle du cholestérol

Une autre métaanalyse de 63 études, incluant au total près de 1700 personnes, montre les effets de la consommation d'alcool sur des marqueurs biologiques associés à des maladies de coeur tels que le cholestérol, les niveaux d'inflammation, les cellules graisseuses et l'état des vaisseaux sanguins.

Cette analyse révèle qu'une consommation modérée d'alcool, dans les mêmes limites que la première étude, avait un effet bénéfique sur plusieurs de ces marqueurs, notamment le cholestérol HDL, ou « bon » cholestérol. Cela a donc un effet préventif contre les maladies du coeur.

L'étude a aussi établi que les effets étaient similaires, quel que soit le type de boisson consommée.

Les dangers d'une consommation excessive

Par ailleurs, l'alcool causerait près de 4 % des morts dans le monde, soit davantage que le sida ou la tuberculose, selon un récent rapport de l'Organisation mondiale de la santé (OMS).

Les types de blessures et de maladies liés à l'alcool sont nombreux : accidents de la route, violences, empoisonnements, épilepsies, cirrhoses, cancers colorectaux, du larynx, du foie et du sein.

http://www.radio-canada.ca/nouvelles/Science-Sante/2011/02/23/001-alcool-benefices-coeur.shtml

Sex.com entre dans le Guinness comme nom de domaine le plus cher de l'histoire

2011-02-23T15:19:00.001-08:00

C'est officiel. Le nom de domaine sex.com est le plus cher de l'histoire. Vendu pour 13 millions de dollars en novembre 2010, il est entré mardi dans le livre Guinness des records.

C'est une distinction un peu particulière. Mardi, le nom de domaine sex.com est officiellement entré dans le livre Guinness des records dans la catégorie "nom de domaine le plus cher". Pour valider l'entrée de sex.com, les juges se sont basés sur la dernière transaction connue. Le 17 novembre 2010, l'adresse Internet a été vendue par la société Escom LLC pour 13 millions de dollars (environ 9,48 millions d'euros).
La transaction a été effectuée par Sedo, un opérateur de marché spécialisé dans les noms de domaine. Le nouveau propriétaire du nom de domaine est désormais Clover Holdings Limited. Cependant, il s'agit là de la plus forte transaction connue. Il est tout à fait envisageable qu'une transaction privée ait permis à une autre adresse une valorisation bien supérieure à sex.com.
La vente record de sex.com survient dans un contexte où les sites pour adultes pourraient bénéficier d'un domaine réservé, le .xxx. L'ICANN, la société en charge de réguler les noms de domaine, ne semble pas y être défavorable. Le comité consultatif gouvernemental (GAC) est en revanche nettement plus réservé, tout comme l'industrie pour adultes elle-même.
La prochaine réunion de l'Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers doit avoir lieu ce printemps, du 13 au 18 mars 2011 à San Francisco.

http://www.numerama.com/magazine/18139-sexcom-entre-dans-le-guinness-comme-nom-de-domaine-le-plus-cher-de-l-histoire.html

Le roi du Maroc refuse de céder "à la démagogie"

2011-02-22T01:01:00.001-08:00

Le gouvernement a assuré par la voix de son porte-parole avoir "saisi le message".AFP/STR

Au lendemain de manifestations qui ont rassemblé des milliers de personnes demandant que le roi Mohamed VI rétrocède une partie de ses prérogatives à un nouveau gouvernement élu, le souverain a déclaré lundi 21 février qu'il ne céderait pas à "la démagogie et à l'improvisation". Le monarque, qui venait de présider une cérémonie d'installation de nouveaux membres du Conseil économique et social, a ajouté que l'édification d'une véritable démocratie devrait aller de pair avec un développement humain durable.

"En installant le Conseil économique et social, nous donnons une forte impulsion à la dynamique réformatrice que nous avons enclenchée, a-t-il dit selon l'agence de presse officielle Map.

Les manifestations de dimanche au Maroc, largement pacifiques malgré des débordements, ont mis en évidence une forte demande d'accélération des réformes politiques et certains organisateurs du mouvement entendent bien poursuivre leur action.

"MATURITÉ DU PEUPLE MAROCAIN"

Au lendemain de ces manifestations, le gouvernement a assuré par la voix de son porte-parole avoir "saisi le message". "Maintenant il faut passer à la vitesse supérieure" en matière de réformes, a dit déclaré le ministre de la communication et porte-parole du gouvernement, Khalid Naciri. Pour M. Naciri, les manifestations de dimanche ont démontré la "maturité du peuple marocain et de ses institutions", au moment où "les manifestants sont accueillis dans les autres pays arabes avec de la violence".

Des milliers de personnes ont manifesté dimanche dans de nombreuses villes marocaines pour réclamer des réformes politiques urgentes, plus de démocratie et moins de corruption dans ce pays où les inégalités restent fortes et le chômage des jeunes, élevé. Les manifestants répondaient à un appel de jeunes sur Facebook, appuyé et relayé par plusieurs ONG. Des jeunes se sont aussi exprimés sur Facebook pour s'opposer au mouvement "du 20 février" et "soutenir le roi Mohammed VI avec tous ses droits constitutionnels".

http://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2011/02/21/le-roi-du-maroc-refuse-de-ceder-a-la-demagogie_1483429_3212.html

« Di Rupo nous a proposé le 16 pour qu’on laisse tomber la N-VA »

2011-02-22T00:58:00.001-08:00

DAVID COPPI ET MARTINE DUBUISSON

mardi 22 février 2011, 09:37

INTERVIEW Une rumeur court au sein du CD&V : Elio Di Rupo leur aurait proposé le poste de Premier ministre s’ils lâchaient la N-VA. Elio Di Rupo et Wouter Beke démentent.

Depuis l’échec du conciliateur Johan Vande Lanotte, la pression est maximale sur le CD&V, accusé par plusieurs partis d’être l’un des principaux responsables de l’impasse institutionnelle. Et de rester dans l’ombre de la N-VA par manque de courage politique.

PS et CD&V démentent

« Elio Di Rupo dément avec force. C’est faux !… On n’a jamais évoqué un gouvernement sans la N-VA », dit-on au boulevard de l’Empereur.
Au CD&V aussi, Wouter Beke dément, qualifiant l’information de fausse.
Alors, pourquoi cette rumeur, circulant manifestement au CD&V ? Une chose est sûre : les petits jeux tacticiens en disent long sur l’état de confiance entre partenaires potentiels d’une future coalition.

Des rumeurs de division interne courent d’ailleurs, entre partisans du cartel virtuel avec les nationalistes et défenseurs d’un profil propre au CD&V. C’est dans ce contexte que le sénateur Rik Torfs a répété, ces jours-ci : « Ce n’est pas parce que Bart De Wever est actuellement le roi de Flandre que l’attitude refusant tout compromis est la meilleure. » Le député flamand Eric Van Rompuy embraie. Mais se montre très dur vis-à-vis du PS.
Etes-vous d’accord avec Rik Torfs ?
Il n’a rien dit de sensationnel : le CD&V a toujours voulu des compromis. Ce n’est pas nous qui n’avons pas atteint de compromis : ce sont les deux grands joueurs, PS et N-VA, qui n’ont pas été capables de nous en proposer. Bart De Wever est très dur, mais les francophones sont très têtus aussi. C’est un peu facile de réduire tous les problèmes au CD&V. Ce n’est pas le CD&V qui empêche le compromis. Mais on essaie de nous culpabiliser, on nous insulte même – Madame Onkelinx a de la haine dans la voix quand elle parle du CD&V.
Le compromis n’est pas honteux, dit Rik Torfs. Il ne faut donc pas suivre la N-VA ?
Non, mais il faut faire de bons compromis, pas le compromis pour le compromis. Or, Didier Reynders a dit lui-même que les francophones avaient autant de critiques vis-à-vis de la note Vande Lanotte que les Flamands. Elio Di Rupo avait toute une série de remarques sur le chapitre BHV. Mais penser qu’on va isoler le CD&V de la N-VA et faire un grand accord, je n’y crois pas…
C’est la tactique francophone selon vous : essayer de vous décoller de la N-VA ?
Voici quelques semaines, Elio Di Rupo est allé voir Wouter Beke en lui disant : « Le 16, rue de la Loi, est à vous si vous laissez tomber la N-VA »…
Vous savez, la N-VA ne tient pas compte de nous, quand Bart De Wever fait ses déclarations au Spiegel, quand il répète son analyse sur les deux pays, inconciliables… Il démontre chaque jour que le compromis n’est pas possible. Nous ne sommes pas Bart De Wever ; sa finalité n’est pas la nôtre, son style n’est pas le nôtre. On doit vivre avec ça. Mais nous voulons aussi une grande réforme. Il faut trouver un compromis.
D’abord entre PS et N-VA ?
Les deux sont incontournables. Nous pourrions dire aussi : « Il faut un gouvernement sans le PS ». Mais nous ne l’avons jamais dit et je n’entends aucun francophone le dire. Le PS nous attaque tout le temps. Laurette Onkelinx dit que le CD&V est un parti irresponsable. Qu’ils fassent un accord sans le CD&V s’ils ne veulent plus parler avec nous ! Au CD&V, on en a de plus en plus marre du PS. J’entends de plus en plus de voix dire : « On en a marre d’être traité comme un parti torchon ! »
Interview complète dans Le Soir ce mardi.

http://www.lesoir.be/outils/imprimer/index.php?story_url=/actualite/belgique/elections_2010/2011-02-22/di-rupo-nous-a-propose-le-16-pour-qu-on-laisse-tomber-la-n-va-823631.php&story_title=%AB%A0Di%20Rupo%20nous%20a%20propos%E9%20le%2016%A0pour%20qu'on%20laisse%20tomber%20la%20N-VA%A0%BB

Obama aime beaucoup son "ex"

2011-02-17T00:51:00.000-08:00

Le 15 février, George Bush sr a reçu des mains du président Obama, la Medal of Freedom, la plus haute distinction civile américaine. Ce choix d'Obama montre la qualité exceptionnelle de leur relation. Depuis son arrivée à la Maison Blanche, Obama semble cultiver le contact avec cet ancien président Républicain qui l'apprécie et l'appuie. Retour sur la romance.

"C'est un gentleman". Par ces mots, le président a salué en son prédécesseur, le patricien et l'homme subtile qu'il rencontre de temps en temps et qu'il doit consulter sur des dossiers aussi touchy que celui de l'Egypte. L'ancien patron de la CIA en connaît long sur 30 ans de Raïs et ses conseils sont précieux. On a su que 41st avait appelé Hosni Moubarak, sûrement pas de sa propre initiative_ça ne se fait pas_ mais plutôt à la demande de 44th. Dans son discours de décoration, Potus ne s'est pas forcé et il a rappelé les points importants du mandat Bush: la réduction des armes nucléaires, l'expulsion de l'Irak hors du Koweït et son apport à la fin de la guerre froide. Mais aussi son saut en parachute à 85 ans. Et on sentait dans l'hommage à son prédecesseur comme de l'affection.

En octobre 2009, Obama, en butte à l'hostilité des républicains (birthers, religion?) qui n'acceptaient pas sa légitimité, était allé rendre visite à George Bush à sa BushUniversity A&M du Texas, faisant une bonne façon à son ancien prédecesseur qui le recevait avec Robert Gates. Justement celui-ci incarnait la continuité bipartisane dans l'équipe Obama au poste de ministre de la Défense. Ce geste symbolique d'Obama a scellé une relation positive entre les deux hommes. Recevoir sur son territoire le président en exercice des US du parti "ennemi" plaçait Obama dans la continuité des présidents américains et valait adoubement du patriarche Bush. Et pour le Texas un beau coup de pub'.

Les occasions de se revoir autrement qu'avec les autres anciens présidents, n'ont pas manqué. Le 1er février 2010, Le premier président Bush est venu faire une visite à Obama accompagné de son fils Jeb ancien gouverneur de Floride. C'était peu de temps avant que celui-ci ne renonce à être candidat à la future présidentielle. Aucun rapport a priori mais comme une visite familiale.

Cette année, la Medal of Freedom a été remise à 15 personnes dont deux légendes du baseball et du basket, le milliardaire humanitaire Warren Buffett, le géant du syndicalisme AFL-CIO John Sweeney, le combattant des Droits civiques John Lewis etYo-Yo Ma le violoncelliste, la soeur de John Kennedy Jean Kennedy Smith, le plasticien Jasper Johns... Bref on était plutôt entre démocrates et la présence de George Bush sr parmi les élus signifiait quelquechose de très personnel pour Obama.

http://blog.lefigaro.fr/obamazoom/2011/02/entre-obama-et-bush-une-histoire-d-ex.html

170 Reported Ill After Playboy Mansion Party : gosh !!!

2011-02-16T05:05:00.000-08:00

The Playboy Mansion hosted one of the events connected with the DOMAINFest Global Conference

Two days after partying and networking at a conference Feb. 3 in Los Angeles, David Castello suddenly fell ill with uncontrollable chills and a 102 degree fever. Part of the conference took place at thePlayboy Mansion.

"I went from zero to not a good place in 15 to 20 minutes," said Castello. "It was like somebody flipped a switch."

Castello, co-founder of Castello Cities Internet Network, was among the hundreds of people to get sick after the conference.

But could the Playboy Mansion, a place of lurid fantasies, really have such an adverse effect on a person's physical health? For some, it is the dream of all dreams to hit up a shindig at Hugh Hefner's famous bachelor pad.

The Los Angeles County Department of Public Health said approximately 170 partygoers there, including Castello, became sick with flu-like symptoms. At least four were diagnosed with a mild form of Legionnaires' disease, a type of pneumonia characterized by fever, headaches and achiness all over.

Legionella Pneumophila

Legionella Pneumophila, or LP, are bacteria that cause Legionnaires' disease. They are found naturally in the environment, usually in warm water, like that in hot tubs, cooling towers, hot water tanks and large plumbing systems.

People can get the disease after breathing in the mist or vapor from the bacteria-ridden water. Those with weakened immune systems and lung disease, those who smoke, and the elderly are more susceptible to the illness.

In a statement, the health department said, "The department is investigating several locations associated with this conference, including the Playboy Mansion in Holmby Hills. At this time, Public Health has not determined that the source of exposure is limited to a specific location. The department is working to conclusively identify the source of exposure and the likely cause of illness for this suspected outbreak."

Each year, between 8,000 and 18,000 Americans are hospitalized with Legionnaires' disease, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

Playboy Enterprises said in a statement, "The Playboy Mansion continues to cooperate fully with the Dept. of Public Health in their investigation."

The DOMAINfest Global Conference ran from Feb. 1 to Feb. 3. People attended events at the Fairmont Miramar Hotel in Santa Monica, Skybar at the Mondrian Hotel in West Hollywood and the Playboy Mansion.

Maybe Not the Hot Tub

Castello rode out the illness until his fever broke five days later. Although he has weathered the worst of it, he says he continues to feel fatigued. He said he has received a letter from L.A. County that recommended he go to the hospital to undergo several diagnostic tests, including a chest X-ray and a rapid influenza swab.

"Legionnaires' disease will affect a small proportion of the group," said Janet Stout, Ph.D., director of the Special Pathogens Laboratory in Pittsburgh. "In outbreaks, [that's] usually less than 5 percent of the total number exposed. It appears from these reports that the rapid onset of symptoms is more typical of the related illness called Pontiac fever."

Pontiac fever, or Legionellosis, is a milder form of Legionnaire's disease that causes flu-like symptoms.

Love that Dirty Water

"Legionella is a bacteria that lives in water and loves warm, wet environments," said Dr. Mary Nettleman, professor and chair of the department of medicine at Michigan State University. "Unfortunately, people also like warm, wet environments like hot tubs."

While hot tubs are a great addition to pool parties or some après-ski relaxation, hot tub owners should be aware of the bacteria that could be swimming in the water.

"Most residential hot tubs do not fall under any regulatory authority," said Stout. "If the outbreak source is found to be the hot tub, it is a wakeup call to owners of these devices to be sure Legionella is not present. A simple culture test can reassure both the owner and the users of the device."

And Dr. Tracy Zivin-Tutela, an infectious disease specialist at St. Luke's Roosevelt Hospital in New York, agreed that hot tub owners must pay close attention.

"The only way to prevent the bacterial contamination is proper disinfectant and maintaining appropriate pH levels," said Zivin-Tutela. (Ph is a measure of acidity.) "This should be monitored at least two times per day or more often if there is heavy use of the tub."

What Made Playboy Mansion Visitors Ill?

Spa- and whirlpool-associated outbreaks are frequently implicated in larger outbreaks, particularly because the suspected mechanism of Legionella transmission in these outbreaks is through aerosols generated by air injected in the whirlpool, said Dr. Amir Afkhami, assistant professor in the global health division at George Washington University School of Public Health.

"Basically, the bubbles that soothe can also become bubbles of infection by giving Legionella a piggyback ride into our respiratory system and allowing it to infect our lungs," said Afkhami.

So, as conference goers wait for definitive results from the county health officials, doctors say Hef and his bunnies should keep a watchful eye on the famous hot tub for future guests.

"This literally took away a week of my life," said Castello. "I just hope everyone else gets better quickly and we find out where it started."

Lady Gaga spent 72 hrs in egg-shaped vessel

2011-02-16T04:56:00.000-08:00

Singer Lady Gaga, who arrived at the Grammy awards in an egg-shaped vessel, says she was in it for 72 hours.

"I was in there for about 72 hours. It was a very creative experience," usmagazine quoted her as saying.

Her unconventional arrival drew mixed reactions but Gaga says it was a necessary part of her "Born This Way" premiere.

"It was time for me to really prepare and think about the meaning of the song and get prepared for the performance. I really wanted to be born on stage," she said.

"The creative vessel was helpful for me to stay focused. We had it backstage so that I was able to really stay in this sort of creative, embryonic incubation. This is what I do, Ryan. I'm so passionate about this record and the meaning of the album," she added.

The International Court of Justice's kosovo ruling underscored the clash between two cardinal principles :self-determination and territorial integrity

2010-07-23T03:46:00.000-07:00

Court's Kosovo ruling could resonate around globe

The World Court's opinion that Kosovo's unilateral secession from Serbia was not illegal will send a chill blast through other countries that have restive minorities keen to follow Kosovo's example.

In a 9-5 nonbinding ruling on Thursday on the 2008 secession, the Hague-based court said it considered "that general international law contains no applicable prohibition of declaration of independence."

Diplomats at the United Nations said the ruling underscored the clash between two cardinal principles dear to rank-and-file U.N. member states: self-determination, in this case for Kosovo's majority Albanians, and territorial integrity, in this case, Serbia's.

From the outset, this caused a major split among the 192 U.N. nations over whether to recognize Kosovo. Sixty-nine, including the United States and many of its allies, have so far done so but the rest have not, many waiting to see what the World Court said.

Some, including Serbia and its big-power ally Russia, rejected the independence declaration. Serbia lost control over Kosovo in 1999 when NATO bombed it to halt the killing of ethnic Albanians in a two-year counter-insurgency war.

Even the European Union was divided, with Britain, France, Germany and others recognizing Kosovo but others with minority problems such as Spain and Cyprus holding back.

"It's not only the problem of Kosovo," one senior U.N. envoy said of Thursday's ruling. "It will be read in a lot of capitals on the basis not of the Kosovo case itself but of the general implications for each country."

"It's very difficult to guess what will be the reaction of the General Assembly," he added.

It was the assembly that, at Serbia's initiative, requested the court's opinion. Diplomats have been expecting Serbia to put a motion before the assembly following the court ruling calling on Kosovo's authorities to negotiate with Belgrade over the future of the former Serbian province.

Edwin Bakker of the Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations said the court's ruling was "bad news to a number of governments dealing with separatist movements."

"They may regard the ruling as a serious threat to their assumption that territorial integrity should be untouchable," he said, adding that the opinion would "strengthen separatists around the globe."

Among countries that could be considered in a similar situation to Serbia, Bakker cited Myanmar, Iraq, India and possibly Somalia.

"TRICKY RULING"

Milos Solaja, director of the Center for International relations in Banja Luka in Serbia's Balkan neighbor Bosnia, said his country could also be affected. Bosnia is divided into a Serb republic and a Muslim-Croat federation.

Abdi Samatar of the University of Minnesota called the court's opinion "a tricky ruling that could open floodgates." He added to the list of potentially concerned countries Ethiopia, Yemen, Senegal, Nigeria, Angola and even Tanzania.

"What the ruling justifies is the use of violence to create new political realities," Samatar said.

Western countries say Kosovo is a one-off case because of Serbia's repression in the 1990s, and does not justify secession by, for instance, the Russian-backed enclaves of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in Georgia.

Predictably, however, Sergei Bagapsh, president of breakaway Abkhazia, said the ruling "once more confirms the right of Abkhazia and South Ossetia to self-rule."

Because the World Court's opinion was nonbinding, analysts saw it as having political rather than legal consequences.

"A ruling by the World Court is like a statement issued by the United Nations. It doesn't have enforceability unless a consensus of world powers chooses to back it," said Kamran Bokhari of global intelligence firm Stratfor.

Several analysts said the ruling would be followed by a rush of recognitions of Kosovo by so-far uncommitted countries and could lead to Kosovo's admission to the United Nations.

But admission requires a two-thirds majority in the General Assembly -- critically including all five permanent members of the Security Council, which are the United States, Britain, France, Russiaand China.

That means Russia has the power to indefinitely keep Kosovo out of the world body -- unless Moscow changes its view on the issue, or Serbia does.

First reactions from Russia and Serbia on Thursday to the ruling indicated that they remained as implacably hostile as ever to Kosovo independence.

(Additional reporting by Adam Tanner and Reed Stevenson in The Hague, William Maclean in London and Daria Sito-Sucic in Sarajevo; Editing by Xavier Briand)

http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSTRE66L59120100722

International Court of Justice to decide on Kosovo independence

2010-07-22T04:40:00.000-07:00

The International Court of Justice is due to give its opinion on Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence on Thursday 22 July 2010.

Kosovo declared itself independent from Serbia in February 2008 and the Republic of Kosovo has since been recognised by sixty nine UN member states. In October 2008 Serbia requested the International Court of Justice for an advisory opinion on the legality of Kosovo's declaration.

Ahead of the decision Dr James Ker-Lindsay, Eurobank EFG Senior Research Fellow on the Politics of South East Europe at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) commented:

'The legality of Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence is the most important case ever to come before the International Court of Justice. Indeed, for the first time ever, all five permanent members of the UN Security Council chose to participate in the Court's proceedings.

'The opinion of the Court could radically change the way we treat separatist groups in future. If it finds in favour of Kosovo the floodgates could be opened for a whole raft of new states to emerge. No one wants to see this happen.

'However, if it finds in Serbia's favour, supporters of Kosovo independence – including Britain, France, Germany and the United States – will be left in a very difficult position. If they reject the opinion or refuse to rescind their recognition, their credibility on the world stage will be severely damaged. How can they then call on others to respect international law when they don't themselves?

'There really is a huge amount riding on this case.'

http://www2.lse.ac.uk/newsAndMedia/news/archives/2010/07/kosovo-predecision.aspx

Paul Kagame: Rwanda's redeemer or ruthless dictator?

2010-07-22T01:36:00.000-07:00

Rwanda's capital, Kigali, has been transformed since the genocide. Skyscrapers are sprouting up and the streets are swept daily Photo: Corbis

The presidential chair, lean and straight-backed, awaits its occupant in a big, hushed room with long, beige curtains drawn against the African sun. After some delay, His Excellency is announced and Paul Kagame enters the room with a brisk loping stride – a tall, thin, gangly man with small steel-rimmed spectacles, a narrow moustache and a blue suit hanging off his bony shoulders.

His eyes have a keen, piercing intelligence, and he radiates a quality of intense seriousness that is both impressive and intimidating. Kagame, the president of Rwanda, is widely considered to be the most dynamic and effective leader in Africa today, and also ruthless, repressive and intolerant of criticism.

Like any African strongman who depends on aid from Western democracies – Britain is the single largest donor to his regime, giving £70 million last year – it is necessary for Kagame to cry foul when he’s accused of abusing human rights, but his self-professed model for Rwanda is Singapore: a small, tightly controlled authoritarian state that has achieved a vibrant prosperity based on trade, banking and communications.

The interview begins with Kagame asking the questions. 'Tell me your impressions of Rwanda,’ he says, 'a) before you came here, and b) now that you are here.’

Like most foreign visitors, I have been impressed by the cleanliness, order and efficiency of the country. Sixteen years after the genocide in which Hutu fanatics orchestrated the slaughter of more than 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus, leaving the country a nightmarish ruin, with the treasury looted and corpses stuffed down the wells, Rwanda is now the safest, cleanest country in Africa, with no slums and virtually no begging or street crime. It has one of the highest sustained rates of economic growth on the continent, the least amount of corruption and red tape, and it is the only country in the world to have a majority of women in its parliament.

Plastic bags are outlawed for environmental reasons, and in Kigali, the capital city, skyscrapers are rising, and the streets are swept clean every morning. The death penalty has been abolished, and English adopted as the official language. There is a national health system, 19 out of 20 children are now in school, and rural Rwanda, while still in severe poverty, has better internet service than rural Britain, and a good network of immaculately paved roads.

Meanwhile the survivors of the genocide are doing something almost unimaginable: co-existing with the men who hacked their family members to death, and so often tortured and raped them. In many cases survivors and killers are now living as neighbours again in the same villages, and while this is a tense arrangement to say the least, there has been remarkably little violence, and some inspiring examples of forgiveness and reconciliation.

'These achievements are extraordinary but they seem fragile,’ I say. 'The country still feels so traumatised and volatile. I have been asking Rwandans what they would like to ask you, and two questions keep coming up: how can we heal the ethnic division in our hearts? And what happens if Kagame drops dead tomorrow? Many think there would be another genocide.’

These remarks hang impertinently in the air for a few moments. Then Kagame, who is Tutsi and runs a Tutsi-dominated government, nods slowly and composes his reply.

'For me, this fragility is to be expected. Sixteen years is a very short time, and the trauma runs much deeper than people from outside, however well meaning, will ever understand. Sometimes our partners from other countries ask us why we have not got further with our reconciliation, as if we possess a magic to just get rid of this tragic history of ours. No, we have to find a way to live with it and also to build a new nation. The first phase was to achieve peace and stability, and now we are moving forward with development. And if Kagame, for one reason or other, is no longer there, people can look back at everything that has been done in 16 years, and they can feel a part of it, and be reassured that this stability will continue.’

Rwanda’s curse has been ethnic hatred expressed as ethnic politics, so Kagame’s government, in typically bold, authoritarian style, has made it illegal. Any politician or citizen who makes a statement encouraging ethnic animosity, or expressing ethnic solidarity, risks a lengthy imprisonment for the crime of 'divisionism’. The very words Hutu and Tutsi are now fraught and taboo, and if you ask someone which group they belong to, they will usually look uncomfortable and reply as the government has dictated: 'We are all Rwandans now.’

To Kagame’s critics, this is simply a strategy to keep the Hutus, who make up 85 per cent of the population, from organising politically against his small Tutsi elite now controlling the country. There are Hutu members and ministers in Kagame’s ruling party, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), but the inner circle is all Tutsi. And in the past, whenever Hutu politicians have started to gather power or criticise the government, it has usually meant their imprisonment, exile, disappearance or, in the case of Seth Sendashonga and a few others, unsolved assassination.

According to Human Rights Watch, one of Kagame’s most persistent critics, by denying Hutus a political voice and access to power he is building resentment, bottling tensions and possibly sowing the seeds for the next genocide.

Kagame bristles fiercely at these criticisms. 'There are people who think we will never get out of this, that in Rwanda either these ones will do the killing, or these ones will,’ he says. 'I do not accept this. I cannot accept that there is something wrong with us in this way. It will be a long, difficult process – we are under no illusions – and development is really the key. We must create economic opportunity, build a culture of entrepreneurship, get people to take responsibility for improving their lives, rather than putting them in a position where they sit back in their poverty and blame others for it.’

To Kagame’s fans, who include Tony Blair, Bill Clinton, Bill Gates and the CEOs of Google and Starbucks, the tinderbox nature of post-genocide Rwanda, and the results he has achieved so far, justify his strong hand and poor human rights record. The fact that Rwanda is ranked 183 out of 195 countries for freedom of the press, for example, is outweighed by the fact that the per-capita GDP has tripled. Also, the West lives with the guilty knowledge that it was Kagame and his rebel army who stopped the genocide, while we dithered and blundered, and Kagame has been skilful and relentless at using this guilt to his advantage.

Like so many rebel generals who have made the switch to civilian leadership, Kagame places a high premium on loyalty and discipline, likes to operate in secrecy, is comfortable using violence and threats of violence against his enemies, and tends to equate criticism with treason. Unusually, he doesn’t appear motivated by wealth or luxury, either for himself or his relations. One of his sisters runs a small dairy. Another operates a souvenir stand at the airport.

When I ask Kagame to sum up his political philosophy, he says, 'Pragmatic, doing what is doable,’ and adds that fighting war is more to his liking. 'Even with all the hardships and hunger, war is straightforward and clear-cut,’ he explains. 'But building a nation from nothing? A nation that has just experienced genocide? There is no strategy manual for this. There is nothing that is not a priority, and the priorities are always conflicting. I try to look at problems very clearly and think, “How do we get out of this? What will work? What will be the consequences for the people involved?”’

Kagame has very little formal schooling, so his ideas and solutions are formed by his life experiences, which have been harsher than most of us can imagine, and his voracious reading. Having put in a 12-hour day dealing with affairs of state, taken his exercise (gym or tennis), spent time with his wife and four children and said goodnight to them, he then stays up reading for three or four hours a night. 'Mainly it is books about economics, business management, development issues, politics, international affairs,’ he says. 'I get newspapers from Britain and other countries twice a week, and read them almost page to page. Sometimes I find I’m reading things I don’t even need to read, because my mind is still hungry. I don’t need much sleep. Four hours is enough.’

Paul Kagame was born in 1957 into an aristocratic Tutsi family that fled Rwanda when he was a small boy. His earliest memories are of houses burning on a hill, shouting and commotion, his desperate mother, the family scrambling into a car as a Hutu death squad came running down the hill towards them. This was in 1959 and again in 1960, during the first of the Hutu pogroms against the Tutsi that some historians now interpret as 'warm-up genocides’.

The Kagames were among tens of thousands of Rwandan Tutsis who ended up living in refugee camps across the border in Uganda. 'You will always hear me talking about the importance of dignity,’ Kagame says. 'It is really the key to people’s lives, and obviously for me it relates back to the refugee camp, the lining up for food every day, the rationing. When we started primary school, we used to study under a tree. We used to write on our thighs with a piece of dry, hard grass, and the teacher would come over and look at your thigh, and write his mark with another piece of dry grass. You develop some sense of questioning, some sense of justice, saying, “Why do I live like this? Why should anybody live like this?” There was also a hardening that is still there in the way I approach many things. You can’t shock me, because what can be worse than what I have seen and lived through?’

As a young man he joined the leftist Ugandan rebel army led by Yoweri Museveni, the current president of Uganda, and spent five years as a guerrilla fighter in the bush. Intelligence was Kagame’s speciality, gathering information about the terrain, the enemy, the villagers. It suited his observant, analytical, conspiratorial mind. When Museveni took power in 1986, he sent Kagame to Cuba for training with 67 intelligence officers under his command.

On his return, Kagame and his closest boyhood friend from the refugee camp, Fred Rwigyema, started building a clandestine army of Rwandan exiles within the Ugandan national army, with the aim of invading Rwanda and overthrowing the Hutu regime. It was one of the most audacious covert operations in military history, involving thousands of people, and it was how the Rwandan Patriotic Front began.

In 1989, through relations in the Rwandan Tutsi diaspora, Kagame met and married his wife, Jeanette, then living in Nairobi. Soon afterwards the newlyweds went to Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, where Museveni had arranged training for Kagame at the prestigious US Army Command and Staff College, to complement what he had learnt in Cuba. Kagame and Rwigyema continued to plot their invasion by telephone, as the Ugandan military became increasingly suspicious of the Rwandans in their midst.

In October 1990, with Kagame still in Kansas tidying up his affairs, the RPF detached itself from the Ugandan army, ripped the insignias off its uniforms, and crossed the border into Rwanda. By the time Kagame got there Rwigyema had been killed, and the RPF had been routed. Kagame took command of the remnants and led them to the remote Virunga mountains. There he rebuilt his army in secret, and began a four-year guerrilla war against the Hutu government headed by President Juvénal Habyarimana and backed by the French.

It was Hutu Power extremists in the ruling elite who conceived of genocide against Tutsis, imported the machetes from China, trained the Interahamwe death squads, and then used the radio to whip up hatred and paranoia among the Hutu population, and coordinate the killing district by district. As the horror began, Kagame was in close contact with the UN commander on the ground, Romeo Dallaire, whose superiors in New York ordered him to stay neutral and not get involved. Kagame was also in contact with the Clinton administration, which justified its inaction by claiming that 'acts of genocide’ were taking place, but not genocide itself. Furious and disgusted by the international response, Kagame and the RPF took matters into their own hands and marched on Kigali.

The night before the RPF reached the city, the genocidaires fled, leaving the streets heaped with corpses, government buildings stripped down to the wiring, the treasury and banks emptied. Moving into the countryside beyond Kigali, the RPF found more horror, stench and eerie silence. It seemed impossible that so many people had been killed with machetes and clubs in such a short time, and indeed the Rwandan genocide, with 800,000 dead in 100 days, was the fastest genocide in history.

When the self-styled 'international community’ did finally intervene, it did nothing for the survivors, and chose instead to help the perpetrators of the genocide. The French landed 3,000 soldiers and created a protected zone for the fleeing government army, death squads and general Hutu population, which included many genocidal killers. From there, a great exodus of Hutus crossed into the Democratic Republic of Congo, or Zaire as it was then, and a massive international aid campaign was launched to feed them, shelter them in refugee camps, and bring them medical supplies. Neither the television coverage nor the televised appeals for money by the aid organisations made it clear that these people had just committed genocide. In accordance with the principles of humanitarian neutrality, they were described as 'refugees from the genocide in Rwanda’, and most viewers naturally assumed they were innocent survivors.

Kagame’s blood starts to boil when he remembers this time. 'They had armoured personnel carriers, anti-aircraft, armouries and ammunition in the camps, and the human rights people, and the humanitarian people, were feeding them, and telling us they were feeding refugees. And, as they very well knew, these so-called refugees were selling most of what they were given so they could maintain their military machine, because they wanted to come back and overthrow us.’

There were two important long-term consequences. One was that Kagame developed a deep contempt for the international community and its claims to moral authority. The second was that his army invaded Zaire/Congo (while he strenuously denied that an invasion was taking place). Fighting alongside a Congolese rebel army, it scattered but did not defeat the Hutu war machine, committed a series of brutal massacres against fleeing, unarmed Hutus (also denied, even when the mass graves were discovered), deposed the dictator Mobutu Sese Seko, and set in motion a horrific cycle of violence, upheaval and pillage in Congo that has been dubbed Africa’s World War. Depending on whose figures you believe, it has caused three million, five million or seven million deaths, mostly from war-related disease and privation.

The gravest charges against Kagame’s regime relate to the actions of his army. There is clear evidence that the RPF committed systematic massacres of Hutus both in Rwanda when they took power, and then in Congo. According to UN reports, the Rwandan military has also plundered some $100 million worth of gold, diamonds, tin, coltan and other minerals from war-ravaged eastern Congo. It is not a defence of Rwanda but a point of context to mention that eight other African nations, and a dizzying cast of Congolese warlords, have also been fighting over the vast mineral wealth in this region.

Kagame has only this to say on the subject of Congo: 'The problems there are so enormous and many decades old, so I think it is a mistake to say that the problem starts with Rwanda’s hand in it, and this is where it ends. Even if we were to take Rwanda away, and put it someplace else, Congo still has a lot of problems to contend with – corruption, bad governance, lack of effective institutions, and so on. But at least for those problems related to us we are gradually overcoming them, and are doing so by working very well with the Congolese.’

Regarding the RPF massacres of Hutus in Rwanda, he offers a more spirited defence, saying that it was extremely difficult to restrain his troops, especially the new recruits who had just seen their family members raped and butchered. 'You can imagine trying to stand between people who are so seriously aggrieved, and having the desire to settle it because there was no justice infrastructure at that time. Then you have the ones being accused, and some felt justified and thought they did right in killing, and others said no, we weren’t a part of it, even if they were involved, and trying to sort all this out was probably the most difficult thing of all.’

There were still thousands of unburied bodies when human rights activists made their first calls for free and fair democratic elections in Rwanda. There were millions of displaced people, and a genocidal war machine reassembling itself just across the border. There was no currency in circulation, and the trauma of the survivors was still in the first stage of shock. 'You would look in their eyes and see a blankness,’ Kagame says. 'They were just wondering how it was possible to cope with everything they had seen.’

Some 200 humanitarian NGOs (non-governmental organisations) arrived in Rwanda to help rebuild it, and while Kagame was grateful for the goodwill, the money and the services they could provide, he rankled at the mixture of naivety and entitlement that came along in their cultural baggage, and threw 80 of them out because they refused to register. 'Of the rest, you would be lucky to find five in 100 that are doing it altruistically. The others will choose for you where you should put their money, and try to control what you do in other areas. They come here knowing almost nothing, understanding almost nothing, and they judge and criticise and tell you what you should do. A big part of the misunderstanding is that they expect us to be a normal country, like the ones where they are from. They do not understand that we are operating in a very different context.’

In the Great Lakes region of Africa – Rwanda, Burundi, Congo, Uganda – it is normal for presidents to seize power at the head of rebel armies. Ethnic violence and ethnic patronage are basic tools of politics, and if you lose power there is a serious risk of death, imprisonment or exile, and perhaps a wave of ethnic cleansing or genocide against your people. In Kagame’s case, his electorate is 85 per cent Hutu. Many of them were involved in the most committed attempt at genocide that Africa has ever seen. It is not hard to understand why his government lacks enthusiasm for genuinely free and fair elections, or why it clamps down so hard on the slightest suggestion of ethnic politics. Nor does it ever admit mistakes, apologise or show any other sign of weakness.

Another basic requirement for politicians in the region is to present a facade of democracy to keep the donors happy and the aid money flowing. In this spirit, the RPF wrote a parliamentary constitution for Rwanda after it took power. To show Rwandans and the West that they were not a military dictatorship of Tutsi exiles, they appointed a Hutu president, Pasteur Bizimungu, and a Hutu prime minister. Kagame was vice-president, minister of defence, general of the army, and the one who took important meetings with foreign heads of state. Bizimungu proved obstinate, greedy and ambitious. In 2000, having resigned while drunk in public, he was then arrested and sentenced to 15 years for divisionism. The crime was committed in a magazine interview, in which Bizimungu predicted Hutu violence and civil war unless the RPF started sharing power in a genuine way.

Kagame assumed the presidency. He started devouring books about Singapore, South Korea, China and the other 'Asian Tigers’, which had managed to leap out of poverty in less than a generation by means of disciplined, authoritarian leadership and entrepreneurial capitalism. Rwanda is a small, landlocked, overpopulated country with few natural resources, and long, expensive trade routes. How was it going to develop? Kagame announced an ambitious plan to turn Rwanda into the high-tech commercial, banking and communications hub of east and central Africa by 2020.

The region is rich in resources, especially Congo, but it has been crippled by corruption, inefficiency, political instability, poverty, disease and ignorance. Kagame’s government began tackling these problems with a harsh, bullying, unwavering determination entirely new to the region. Government employees were required to be at their desks by 7am, and quickly fired if they didn’t produce results. The anti-corruption tsar was given real power, and used it zealously. The rebuilding of Rwanda’s infrastructure and institutions, especially in health and education, has been largely financed by foreign aid, which provided 100 per cent of the government’s budget in the immediate aftermath of the genocide, and is now at 42 per cent. Kagame wants to reduce Rwanda’s dependency on aid, regarding it as a trap that stifles entrepreneurship and dignity, but it has been integral to his progress so far, and for the donors Rwanda has been a rare success story. Here at last is an African government that doesn’t embezzle or squander the money, but uses it efficiently and gets results.

The government has also been effective at courting influential friends abroad (Clinton, Blair et al), and bringing in foreign investment, mainly from America and China. The World Bank has named Rwanda the top business reformer in the world, and the region’s most business-friendly country. The coffee business is booming, thanks in no small part to Starbucks, and tourism, unimaginable after the genocide, has grown into a $200 million a year industry. Another important part of the Rwandan economic miracle, but hard to measure, has been the secret flow of illegal minerals from Congo.

The other African countries involved have plundered minerals for the personal enrichment of a few individuals, with the profits banked in Switzerland or London. In Rwanda’s case, the mineral wealth appears to have been funnelled through government channels, with most of it spent on the military, and the rest of it helping to finance Kagame’s vision of an African Singapore.

The dream is still a long way from coming true. In Kigali there is a prosperous elite, most of them Tutsis returned from the diaspora, and an emerging middle class, but nine out of 10 Rwandans are still subsistence farmers. Hope rests on the generation currently in school, who are growing up with laptops and the internet, speaking English, and moving towards the universities and the new technical colleges. Rwandese society has always encouraged obedience to power (this is one reason why so many Hutus followed their orders to kill Tutsis), and younger Rwandans are being pounded with exhortations to study hard, work hard, take responsibility, be entrepreneurs.

No one is watching the Rwanda experiment more closely than other Africans. Kagame is widely admired and respected on the continent, and considered a shoo-in for the presidency of the African Union if he ever wants the job. But the Rwanda model is not easily replicated. It requires a Kagame, and men like Kagame do not come along often. There has never been a shortage of autocrats in Africa, but very few of them have been so driven and determined to better their countries, and most have concentrated on enriching themselves and shoring up their power with patronage. Kagame has shown Africa that strong leadership can turn a country around, and that a strong leader shows no quarter to his opponents.

He faced his first presidential election in 2003. Opposition candidates proved hard to find because the likeliest were either in prison, dead or had fled the country. Finally the former prime minister, a Hutu named Faustin Twagiramungu, returned from exile, announced his candidacy and made a speech accusing Kagame of running a dictatorship. The majority-female parliament promptly voted to ban his political party. Twagiramungu persevered, even after two of his most prominent supporters disappeared without trace, and Kagame won 95 per cent of the vote. He insists it was a free and fair election, saying, 'You cannot blame me for the weakness of the opposition.’

Now he has another election on August 9. The government has closed down two critical news papers, and arrested a journalist for defamation (he compared Kagame with Hitler) and divisionism. A dissident general has survived an assassination attempt in South Africa, and a newspaper editor who linked it to the Rwandan government was murdered in Kigali. Two opposition parties have been prevented from registering, and the vice-president of one, Andre Kagwa Rwisereka of the Democratic Greens, has turned up dead from machete wounds. Political rallies have been been broken up violently by the police, and two Hutu opposition candidates have been arrested, one for divisionism, the other, Victoire Ingabire, for the Orwellian crime of 'genocide ideology’.

Ingabire had been living in Belgium. On returning to Rwanda to announce her candidacy, she went straight to the genocide memorial in Kigali and asked why there was no memorial for the moderate Hutus who were killed – her brother was one of them. She was announcing herself, in RPF eyes, as a Hutu candidate, and challenging the government version of the genocide, which is a strict morality play involving Hutu villains, Tutsi victims and RPF heroes. To raise questions about the RPF atrocities against Hutus, or draw attention to the moderate Hutus who were killed, is equated under the law with denying or diminishing the genocide.

All in all, it seems a foregone conclusion that Kagame will win re-election and remain in power for at least another seven years. Then comes the big question. Will he abide by the Rwandan constitution, which limits presidents to two terms? Or will he devise a reason to hold on to power for longer? Kagame insists he will step down, and says that if there is no peaceful democratic transfer of power in 2017, his presidency will have been a failure. He insists that Rwanda will become an increasingly open and democratic society, but not to impress the international community, or because meddlesome foreigners are demanding it. 'No,’ he says, 'we must do it because fundamentally we believe in it, because these values are universal and we share them, and because it is good for us.’

Is this deceitful rhetoric, or does he really intend to open up political space once development has got further, as the donors and many Rwandans would like to believe? Is Kagame a benevolent dictator, the strong hand needed to pull Rwanda forward into a better future, or is he an incurable despot? If you hold him up to the light in the right way, you can see both facets glinting at once.

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/rwanda/7900680/Paul-Kagame-Rwandas-redeemer-or-ruthless-dictator.html

Etre Pakistanais, c’est être musulman

2010-07-19T00:58:00.000-07:00

A l’instar d’Israël, le Pakistan a été créé pour une communauté religieuse: les musulmans du sous-continent. Le Coran est omniprésent.

EPA

Au Pakistan, la religion est présente partout et tout le temps. Tout ou presque est certifié "hallal" (conforme à la religion), même le dentifrice. Pour se dire bonjour, les Pakistanais n’ont qu’une seule expression: "Asalaam aleikum", "la paix soit sur toi". C’est la façon qu’ont tous les musulmans de se saluer. N’importe quelle cérémonie, que ce soit un mariage, une remise de diplômes, même une conférence universitaire, débute par une lecture du Coran.

Quand on voyage à bord d’un avion de la compagnie aérienne pakistanaise ou dans un bus, le pilote ou le chauffeur ne part jamais avant de réciter une prière pour que le voyage se déroule sans incident. Si vous avez un rendez-vous, il arrive que l’entretien soit interrompu. "Veuillez m’excuser. C’est l’heure de la prière". Votre interlocuteur disparaît alors dans sa salle de bain pour ses ablutions, revient, étale un tapis en direction de la Mecque et se courbe devant Allah.

Cette identité islamique trouve ses origines dans la fondation du Pakistan. Avant 1947, le pays fait partie des Indes britanniques. Les leaders du mouvement indépendantiste indien, Gandhi entre autres, pensent qu’hindous et musulmans peuvent vivre ensemble et prônent un Etat unique. Mais certains musulmans n’en sont pas convaincus. Parmi eux, Mohammed Ali Jinnah. Cet avocat estime que ses coreligionnaires ne peuvent pas s’intégrer dans une société où les hindous sont majoritaires et il réclame la création d’un pays séparé. Quand les Anglais quittent la région en août 1947, deux Etats apparaissent : le Pakistan, à majorité musulmane, et l’Inde, à majorité hindoue.

La Constitution pakistanaise promulguée en 1956 établit une République islamique et affirme que toute loi doit être conforme aux enseignements du Coran. Car en créant le Pakistan, les dirigeants du pays savent qu’ils sont à la tête d’une myriade d’ethnies, chacune parlant sa langue. Il y a les Penjabis, concentrés dans l’est du pays; les Sindhis, installés dans la province du Sindh (sud); les Pachtounes, qui peuplent le nord-ouest; et enfin les Baloutches, qui vivent dans l’ouest, à la frontière avec l’Iran. Sans oublier les Bengalis, qui firent sécession en 1971 pour donner naissance au Bangladesh.

Certaines de ces ethnies, comme les Pachtounes, ont demandé leur indépendance en 1947. Et aujourd’hui encore les Baloutches réclament leur Etat. Pour neutraliser ces revendications et façonner une identité commune, l’armée et l’administration, dominée par les Penjabis, ont mis l’accent sur l’islam plutôt que sur les particularismes ethniques.

"Foi, unité, discipline", clame la devise nationale. Mais les autorités n’ont jamais précisé de quelle branche de l’islam elles se revendiquent. Ainsi, elles ont laissé le champ libre aux partis islamistes qui se posent en gardien de la foi et donc de l’identité nationale. Le plus important d’entre eux, le Jamaat islami, affirme que le Pakistan est un Etat sunnite, où les autres communautés religieuses n’ont pas droit de cité.

Les affrontements entre chiites et sunnites ont commencé dès les années 50 et cette guerre sectaire perdure. Des groupes djihadistes comme le Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) ou le Lashkar-e-Jangvi n’hésitent pas, au nom de cette vision d’un Pakistan sunnite, à assassiner des chiites et des chrétiens. En août 2009, les chrétiens d’un village de l’est du pays avaient été attaqués par des hommes du SSP, qui les accusaient d’avoir déchiré des pages du Coran en public. Le 29 mai dernier, un commando terroriste a pris d’assaut deux mosquées d’une minorité musulmane non-sunnite, les Ahmadis, tirant à l’arme automatique sur les fidèles assemblés pour la prière. Bilan : 42 morts.

Ces épisodes ne sont que les derniers d’une guerre sans fin. L’identité nationale pakistanaise est loin d’être achevée.

http://www.lalibre.be/actu/international/article/597151/etre-pakistanais-c-est-etre-musulman.html